As the single largest party, the Maoists are not reconciled to the need for a coalition government. And their supremo, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda, has not stopped nursing his ambition of becoming the Prime Minister of the country for the second time, ignoring the harsh ground reality that more acceptable Maoist face today is Baburam Bhattarai.

The fact of the matter is Khanal’s downfall was scripted even before the curtain went up on his act. He could not even properly constitute his team of ministers. While resigning, he has admitted as much. He has failed to advance the peace process or agree with the opposition on a new constitution. These are the two tasks he had promised to achieve as the head of the government.

He knows, like everyone else on the Nepali political spectrum, that the Maoists hold the key to break the deadlock on the question of   rehabilitating the armed Maoist cadres, who are presently held in cantonments.  Several proposals have been thrown up since 2006 when the civil war ended paving the way for Nepal becoming a Republic, to resolve the issue but none has found favour. In fact, today the Maoist supremo is facing the ire of his cadres over his failure to integrate and rehabilitate them in the Nepali army as he had promised to them.

Stubbornness doesn’t pay in politics. Middle path is the best way, but Prachanda and his close group are in no mood to be accommodative with their political rivals inside or outside the Maoist fold. They are locked in a one-upmanship game with their very own in-house rivals.

Who will succeed Khanal, therefore, is an open-ended question. Khanal himself became the prime minister in the 17th ballot that too after Pushpa Kamal Dahal bowed out of the race in favour of Unified Marxist-Leninist leader in a triangular contest.

Dahal resigned as prime minister in mid-2009 after a constitutional standoff over his decision to sack the army chief. Two unstable CPN-UML-led administrations followed. No agreement was reached on a new constitution by the two-year deadline written into the interim constitution. To avert a looming constitutional crisis, the parliament arbitrarily extended the deadline for a year. Then in May, another three-month extension was issued, ignoring a court ruling that had put question marks against such extensions.

There is a school of thought that advocates a return to the electoral basics. Their view is that only a fresh election will be able to end the hiccups that have been created by the split verdict delivered by the 2008 election.

There are few takers for this line particularly in the non- Maoist parties, who want the present interim parliament to continue grappling with statute draft. Prachanda heads the sub-committee that is entrusted with the job of hammering out consensus on contentious issues to be included in the constitution. Therein lays the rub.

The Maoists are accused of trying to subvert the democratic process to weaken institutions that would support a multiparty democracy. They, of course, deny the charge.

But mere denial is no use or counter charge against political rivals, notably the oldest party, Nepali Congress.  Actions should speak, loudly and clearly.  

Otherwise, Nepali public anger against the protracted stalemate will find yet another manifestation sooner than later. Khanal tasted the public anger on the eve of the prime ministerial ballot in February. A youth slapped him in full public view. It was this public demonstration of disgust of the average Nepali at the failure of political leaders to live unto the people’s trust that made Prachanda to pave the way for Khanal’s election.