Aided by funds from Islamic countries and encouraged by successive governments, the pro-Islamic groups and institutions in Bangladesh were able to enlarge their sphere of influence and activities across the country.

The efforts in Bangladesh to promote Islam were related to the search of its people for an identity distinctly different from that of India, yet in tune with the Bengali as well as Islamic heritage. It was also aimed at strengthening Bangladesh’s ties with the Islamic world because of economic compulsions.

The process of Islamisation in Bangladesh began with the deletion of ‘Secularism’ as one of the four State principles from the Constitution by President Zia-ur- Rahman. The cumulative effort of the successive governments brought the country closer to the doorstep of Islamic fundamentalism. All these developments contributed substantially towards greater interactions between religion and politics, culminating into introduction of Islam as the State religion in June 1988 by President Ershad.

The Islamic organizations that had opposed the Liberation War and supported Pakistan were banned by Sheik Mujib after the emergence of Bangladesh. However, his assassination in 1975 was a big setback for all secular and progressive forces in the country. The lifting of ban on the Islamic organizations paved the way for resurgence of the pro-Pak Islamic fanatic forces.

A gradual shift in Bangladesh politics led to proliferation of fundamentalist groups and institutions. Based on religion linked politics, India baiting became the inherent ingredient of their politics; no opportunity was ever spared by them to target India and to tarnish India’s image. .

Impetus to Islamic fundamentalism came in 1976 with the lifting in 1976 of the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI) and other religion based political groups which collaborated with  Pakistani and opposed the 1971 War of Liberation dubbing  it as an Indian conspiracy to create rift in Islamic fraternity and dismember Pakistan.

President Zia-ur-Rahman  took the initiative to set up Islamic University which became functional with financial assistance from Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1985 during Ershad’s regime. Islamic Foundation, intended to become the principal forum for maintaining contact with the Islamic world and for helping in spread of mosques and madrassas also started functioning effectively during Ershad’s time.

Zia-ur-Rehman ushered in ‘Bangladeshi nationalism,’ as opposed to ‘linguistic Bengali nationalism’ propounded by Sheikh Mujib during his fight against Pakistan. Result?  All progressive and secular forces became synonymous with pro-Indianism and were branded ‘Indian agents’ whereas all the pro-Pak Islamic fanatic elements that had collaborated with the Pak army in 1971 assumed the role of the champions of Bangladeshi nationalism.

In order to counter the growing influence of Mujib’s Awami League, the party that led Bangladesh’s liberation  from Pakistani yoke, BNP founded by Ziaur Rahman,  Jatiya Party founded by Ershad, JEI and  other pro-Pak Islamic groups took recourse to the old pratice of raising the bogey of ‘Islam in danger’ and engaged in India-baiting in the name of upholding the spirit of Bangladeshi nationalism.

Soon other rabid anti-India communal forces joined hands with the BNP-JEI combine  as flag-bearers of Bangladeshi nationalism.

The main motive of the military rulers and cantonment-born parties that ruled the country for more than two decades at a stretch following Mujib murder was to send the Awami League into political oblivion by projecting it as ‘Indian agent’ and discrediting it in every possible manner as presence of this party on the political arena was countenanced as a potential threat to their rule. Moreover  Awami League was the only party that had grass roots level support base.

The JEI extended support to BNP in forming the Govt in 1991 after a trade off.  The Mujib decision to strip citizenship for  Golam Azam, former JEI Amir was rolled back. The BNP-JEI alliance government exploited Babri Masjid demolition in India  to don the mantle  of crusader for Islam. Firstly, it pushed through Parliament a resolution condemning the  demolition and demanding Babri Masjid’s reconstruction at the original site. Secondly, it turned to its advantag the tide that has begun  under the impact of anti-Golam Azam movement launched by the Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee (GDNC).

Suffice to say, internal political compulsions, rising influence of the Gulf countries, Saudi Arabia in particular, and the financial assistance provided by these countries contributed substantially to reorganizing the Islamic groups in Bangladesh.

Both Ziaur Rahman and Ershad had taken care to build mosques and madrassas on a large scale. Ershad also introduced ‘Dinyat’ (Islamic studies explaining importance of Jehad) as compulsory subject in schools.

In mid -1990 Deputy Commissioners of all districts were instructed to appoint Maulavi for every mosque in each Upazila on monthly salary to propagate and enforce Quranic precepts and rules. Funds for the campaign came from Saudi Arabia; the scheme was gradually extended to the Union Parishads.

Around the same time  Bangladesh Bank  came up with new currency notes with the ‘Allah-O-Akbar’ printed thereon both in Bengali and Arabic.  were circulated by Bangladesh Bank.

Political expediency and religious affinity brought Bangladesh and Pakistan closer. After Khaleda Zia led government came to power in 1991 Pakistan  was seen making continuous efforts to expand its influence and marginalize India’s. Saudi Arabia continued efforts to patronize the Islamic radical groups like JEI. On its part, Khaleda Zia used Islamic fundamentalist parties to  contain the Awami League and to increase the acceptability of BNP in the ‘Muslim Ummah’.