Justifying the title, the author, Hafeez Malik, sees an imperial dimension in what the US does in the Af-Pak region. He contends that there are two layers in the tripod. While Pakistan and Afghanistan moved closer to the United States primarily to secure their own security interests and their contribution, if any, to American security is only incidental to their plans, the United States believes that both have come on board to serve its strategic interests in the 21st century’s uni-polar world. Washington acknowledges, however, that Islam does not bind Kabul and Islamabad and that both have very little common, historically speaking.

Dr.Hafeez Malik has, therefore, come up with the expression – asymmetrical alliance to describe the equation, even as he notes that the fault-line in the American imperial system is its penchant to regulate the affairs of the world politically, and economically. He points out that in the Af-Pak region the US is confronted with an intimidating threat of violence and terror unleashed by the Al-Qaeda, which is now in a position to destabilize Afghanistan and Pakistan, and has already spread its wings to Africa.

Several reviewers of this  book, with the honourable exception of noted Pakistani journalist and author Khaled Ahmed ,  have expressed the view that Hafeez Malik has sneakily attempted to justify American policy of suppression and neo-colonialism by drawing a line of distinction between the concepts of ‘imperial system’ and ‘imperialistic policy of conquest’.  

Their conclusion appears to be prompted by the reality check that the author started his career in the land of dreams as a journalist and then settled down in the academic life with a PhD in Political Science. From Pennsylvania where he teaches political science at the University of Villanova, Malik has authored sixteen books so far focusing on International Relations, Regionalism and Pakistani politics.

Khaled Ahmed, however, believes that Malik’s book gives proof of the ‘imperial system’ more effectively than most other books on the subject. Some time ago the US Defence Department issued a document of global strategy aimed at preventing the re-emergence of a rival power and preventing any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would enable it to become a global power.

The strategy paper clearly focuses on China with both the attributes, regional as well as global.  That Pakistan had played a role in bringing the US and China together in the dying days of the Cold War is another story of how geo- political and strategic realities help nations in overcoming their latent antipathy towards each other for a limited period to pursue a common goal.  

On his part, Malik says he doesn’t intend pejoration when he uses the word hegemony to describe American policy, and laces his narrative with political realism, which his Pakistani readers deserve to learn and practice. India has taken on new importance in Washington because of China, and in China not only because of Washington but also because of its quest to emerge stronger economically and strategically.  Beijing’s message to Islamabad that it should buy peace with Delhi is significant therefore. As also its warning to Islamabad that it should stop meddling with Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang that borders the Northern Areas of Gilgit- Baltistan.

As Khaled Ahmed said in his review of Malik’s work, “China advising peace to Pakistan because it thinks Pakistan will damage itself in the process. Lack of knowledge of China hurts Pakistan all the time. Last time its leaders misread China was when they thought China would intervene in East Pakistan to deter India from dismembering Pakistan. The Pakistani military should be more realistic, but it too succumbs to the popular trust that China will somehow save it from its strategic mistakes”.

While on terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, Prof Malik points to the Pusthun home land of Southern Afghanistan, South and North Waziristan and FATA of Pakistan and the areas around Kabul as the trouble spot.  Al Qaeda, the Taliban and the Haqqani network are the key players who are active on either side of the Durand Line. All the three have their linkages with the GHQ Shura in Rawalpindi. The author describes Gulbuddin Hekmatyar as a key player on the Afghan chess board; he is believed to operate either from Bajaur or North Waziristan.

The book looks at Russian and Iranian shadows over Afghanistan and offers to Pakistan and Afghanistan the same advice:  Both should learn the diplomatic skills to be on the right side of the American imperium. “If the US is in a position to dictate terms, they too can exploit their weak position to extract as many economic, industrial and educational benefits as possible. As long as these two countries remain politically unstable and fail to evolve stable political systems which best suit their national character, they will remain tempting playgrounds for other more powerful states”.

Put differently, Prof Malik articulated in 2008 itself what Washington believes to be right prescription for Islamabad today and it is that it should give up its love for strategic depth beyond Durand Line to checkmate India on the Radcliffe Line and to liquidate the Line of Control in Kashmir.