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July 14

1.U.S. May Label Pakistan Militants as Terrorists: The NY Times, July 14
By MARK LANDLER and THOM SHANKER
WASHINGTON — The new American military commander in Afghanistan, Gen. David H. Petraeus, is pushing to have top leaders of a feared insurgent group designated as terrorists, a move that could complicate an eventual Afghan political settlement with the Taliban and aggravate political tensions in the region.

General Petraeus introduced the idea of blacklisting the group, known as the Haqqani network, late last week in discussions with President Obama’s senior advisers on Pakistan and Afghanistan, according to several administration officials, who said it was being seriously considered.

Such a move could risk antagonizing Pakistan, a critical partner in the war effort, but one that is closely tied to the Haqqani network. It could also frustrate the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, who is pressing to reconcile with all the insurgent groups as a way to end the nine-year-old war and consolidate his own grip on power.

The case of the Haqqani network, run by an old warlord family, underscores the thorny decisions that will have to be made over which Taliban-linked insurgents should win some sort of amnesty and play a role in the future of Afghanistan. Mr. Karzai has already petitioned the United Nations to lift sanctions against dozens of members of the Taliban, and has won conditional support from the Obama administration, so long as these people sever ties to Al Qaeda, forswear violence and accept the Afghan Constitution.

“If they are willing to accept the red lines and come in from the cold, there has to be a place for them,” Richard C. Holbrooke, the administration’s special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, said to reporters at a briefing on Tuesday.

From its base in the frontier area near the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan, the network of Sirajuddin Haqqani is suspected of running much of the insurgency around Kabul, the Afghan capital, and across eastern Afghanistan, carrying out car bombings and kidnappings, including spectacular attacks on American military installations. It is allied with Al Qaeda and with leaders of the Afghan Taliban branch under Mullah Muhammad Omar, now based near Quetta, Pakistan.

But the group’s real power may lie in its deep connections to Pakistan’s spy agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, which analysts say sees the Haqqani network as a way to exercise its own leverage in Afghanistan. Pakistani leaders have recently offered to broker talks between Mr. Karzai and the network, officials said, arguing that it could be a viable future partner.

American officials remain extremely skeptical that the Haqqani network’s senior leaders could ever be reconciled with the Afghan government, although they say perhaps some midlevel commanders and foot soldiers could. Some officials in Washington and in the region expressed concerns that imposing sanctions on the entire network might drive away some fighters who might be persuaded to lay down their arms.

The idea of putting the Haqqani network on a blacklist was first made public on Tuesday by Senator Carl Levin, Democrat of Michigan, who has just returned from Pakistan and Afghanistan. Mr. Levin did not disclose any conversations he might have had with General Petraeus on the subject.

The Haqqani network is perhaps the most significant threat to stability in Afghanistan, said Mr. Levin, a powerful voice in Congress on military affairs as chairman of the Armed Services Committee. Mr. Levin also advocated increasing attacks against the organization by Pakistan and by the United States, using unmanned drone strikes.

“At the moment, the Haqqani network — and their fighters coming over the border from Pakistan into Afghanistan — is the greatest threat, at least external threat, to Afghanistan,” Mr. Levin said at a morning breakfast with correspondents.

“More needs to be done by Pakistan,” he added. “The Pakistanis have said they now realize, more than ever, that terrorism is a threat to them — not just the terrorists who attack them directly, but the terrorists who attack others from their territory.”

Placement on the State Department’s list would mainly impose legal limits on American citizens and companies, prohibiting trade with the Haqqani network or its leaders and requiring that banks freeze their assets in the United States.

But Mr. Levin noted that the law would also require the United States government to apply pressure on any nation harboring such a group, in this case Pakistan.

In Kabul, a spokesman for General Petraeus said he would not comment on any internal discussions. But in public General Petraeus has expressed alarm about the network and has talked about his desire to see the Pakistani military act more aggressively against the group’s stronghold in the North Waziristan region of Pakistan.

In testimony before Mr. Levin’s committee last month, General Petraeus said he viewed the network as a particular danger to the mission in Afghanistan.

He said he and other senior military officers had shared information with their counterparts in Pakistan that showed the Haqqani network “clearly commanded and controlled” recent attacks in Kabul and against the Bagram Air Base outside Kabul, which is controlled by the United States.

The focus on a political settlement is likely to intensify next week at a conference in Kabul, to be headed by Mr. Karzai and attended by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and other officials. Mr. Karzai recently signed a decree authorizing the reintegration of lower-level Taliban fighters, and Mr. Holbrooke said the meeting would kick off that program, which will be financed by $180 million from Japan, Britain and other countries, as well as $100 million in Pentagon funds.

But Mr. Karzai is eager to extend an olive branch to higher-level figures as well. His government wants to remove up to 50 of the 137 Taliban names on the United Nations Security Council’s blacklist. Mr. Holbrooke, the special envoy to Pakistan and Afghanistan, said the administration supported efforts to cull the list, but would approve names only on a case-by-case basis. Certain figures, like Mullah Omar, the Taliban leader, remain out of bounds, he said.

For its part, the United States is trying to keep the emphasis on the low-level fighters, rather than the leadership. The planned American military campaign in Kandahar, officials said, could weaken the position of Taliban leaders, making them more amenable to a settlement.

Still, the United States backs “Afghan-led reconciliation,” Mr. Holbrooke said. And he said the administration was encouraged by recent meetings between Mr. Karzai and Pakistani leaders, which he said were slowly building trust between these often-suspicious neighbors.

“Nothing could be more important to the resolution of the war in Afghanistan,” he said, “than a common understanding between Afghanistan and Pakistan on what their strategic purpose is.”   www.nytimes.com/2010/07/14/world/asia/14diplo.html?_r=1&ei=5040&partner=MOREOVERNEWS&pagewanted=print

2NATO tankers, other vehicles destroyed in attack
NOWSHERA, July 13: Unidentified attackers destroyed two oil tankers, supplying fuel to Nato forces in Afghanistan, in Pabbi area here on Tuesday evening.

Eyewitnesses said that six other vehicles in the area were also destroyed in the incident. The tankers were parked on the Grand Trunk Road for overnight stay when unidentified persons opened firing at those from unspecified location. The tankers caught fire which also engulfed other parked vehicles.

The fire brigade was called in to extinguish the fire. Local people said that they heard huge explosion in the area. No casualty was reported.

Meanwhile, police continued search operation in different areas of the district on Tuesday and arrested 140 people including nine proclaimed offenders, officials said. Search operation was conducted in Akbarpura and Risalpur. Weapons and narcotics were also seized during the operation.http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/peshawar/nato-tankers%2C-other-vehicles-destroyed-in-attack-470

Deoband elders’ warning to Punjab govt
LAHORE, July 13: Alleging that the Sunni Ittehad Council is attempting to ignite sectarian riots in the country, elders of Deoband school of thought have warned the Punjab government to stop ‘patronising’ their rival sect or be ready to contest the next election on divisions along Deobandi and Barelvi sects.

“Fazle Karim (council chairman) & Co is conspiring to cause Deobandi-Barelvi riots while the khadm-e-ala (Punjab chief minister) seems to be khadm-i-Barelvi and if the Punjab government does not stop patronising (the Barelvis), a campaign will be launched to make the next elections a contest between Deobandi and Barelvi schools of thought,” declared a meeting of the Deoband leaders held here at Jamia Manzoorul Islam in Cantonment on Tuesday.

It demanded a judicial commission headed by the chief justice of Pakistan to probe Data Darbar tragedy and public hanging of those found involved in the terror act at the Minar-i-Pakistan.

Prominent among those in attendance was Maulana Muhammad Ahmad Ludhianvi, a former member of banned outfit Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and accused of having links with Al-Qaeda. His new outfit, Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, had supported the PML-N in a recent Jhang by-poll.

Ludhianvi said he would accept any punishment if any arrested member of his outfit was found involved in terror activities otherwise he himself would suggest penalty for those calling him and his colleagues militants.

Alleging that some people were conspiring to pitch Deobani and Barelvi schools of thought against each other in the garb of Data Darbar suicide attack, he warned that such a scenario would be destructive for Pakistan.

Urging the government to take the situation seriously and act against the conspirators, he alleged that Fazle Karim and his colleagues were planning sectarian unrest.

Tahir Mahmood Ashrafi, Pakistan Ulema Council chief, challenged Interior Minister Rehman Malik to prove link of any militant with Deoband school of thought.

Through a resolution, the meeting urged moderate Barelvi parties to join hands with the Deobandis for maintaining peace in the country. Another resolution demanded that representatives from different schools of thought be included in the committee probing the Darbar tragedy, and yet another sought removal of Fazle Karim as chairman of the Punjab Ulema Board and banning the Karachi-based Sunni Tehrik. http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/lahore/deoband-elders-warning-to-punjab-govt-470

3.West must tackle Pak to fight Taliban: by Amin Saikal, Sydney Morning Herald, July 14
The author is Prof of Pol. Science & Director, Centre for Arab &Islamic Studies (Middle East & Central Asia) at Australian National University.
The war in Afghanistan is not only unwinnable, it is the wrong war.
Australia’s military involvement in Afghanistan has become the most costly foreign policy action since the Vietnam War.
With 17 soldiers killed already and about 150 wounded – many of them crippled for life – as well as billions of dollars spent, the government’s rationale, supported by the opposition, that we must stay on course there to defeat terrorism is flimsy at best.
It fails to take into account the complexity of the Afghan situation – and is reminiscent of the Soviet justification for prosecuting an unsuccessful war in Afghanistan in the 1980s.
The Soviets rationalised invasion and occupation of Afghanistan, saying that they were fighting ”counter-revolutionaries” and ”terrorists”. However, on February 25, 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev finally described the Soviet adventure, begun in late December 1979, as a ”bleeding wound”, signalling that the then USSR was involved in an unwinnable war. Even so, it took another three years for him to withdraw the forces and accept a humiliating defeat.
Two decades later, the US and its NATO and non-NATO allies, with some 150,000 troops on the ground – 50 per cent more than the Soviets ever deployed – face a similar predicament in Afghanistan.
They have not lost the war, but they are nowhere near achieving their original goal of transforming Afghanistan into a stable, secure and democratic state. Afghanistan continues to suffer from poor governance, corruption, ethnic, tribal and sectarian divisions and a narco-economy.
Interference by its neighbours, especially Pakistan, elements of whose powerful military intelligence agency (ISI) continue to support the Taliban, has also enabled the Taliban insurgency to strengthen and expand.
The security situation has never been worse since the inception of the US-led intervention nearly nine years ago. Even the capital, Kabul, is subject to periodic horrific suicide and car/truck bombings and frequent kidnappings and killings.
Meanwhile, the strategy pursued by the US and its allies has proved deeply inadequate. President Barack Obama’s population-centric strategy is to protect the Afghan people in main urban centres.
But it has so far failed to make the majority of Afghan people warm to the government in Kabul – or to its international backers.
Many Afghans view the presence of foreign forces as supporting President Hamid Karzai’s corrupt and dysfunctional government rather than making a difference to the life of ordinary Afghans, most of whom are still poverty-stricken.
Together with the fact that the NATO allies are actively looking for an exit strategy sooner rather than later, this has generated a political-strategic vacuum that the Taliban and their supporters have exploited.
They have been able to widen their circle of recruitment, especially among fellow ethnic Pashtuns.The militia and its associates feel so confident now that they have no good reason to respond positively to Karzai’s policy of reconciliation and selective power sharing – a policy that is strongly endorsed by the US and its allies, despite the repeated condemnation of the Taliban as a terrorist group.
As far as the Taliban leadership is concerned, time is on their side and power will be theirs sooner or later.
Despite all this, Afghanistan is not terrorism central as the Australian government and many of its Western counterparts claim when justifying continuing the mission in Afghanistan.
Whatever the heinous nature and methods of their opposition, the Taliban, or for that matter their closely associated groups – the Hezbi Islami of the former maverick Mujahideen leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Jalalludin Haqani network – have not evidently engaged in any act of terrorism outside the Afghan theatre of conflict.
The movement’s links with al-Qaeda do not appear to be strong any longer either.
The CIA director announced recently that no more than 50-100 al-Qaeda operatives exist in Afghanistan. Surely, this is not a number that could warrant the level of military activity in which the US and its allies have engaged in Afghanistan.
The fact is that it is neighbouring Pakistan that has been the main actual and inspirational source of Muslim extremism and terrorism in south Asia.
The country not only has its own growing Taliban movement and other extremist groups, but has also nurtured the Afghan Taliban.
The ISI was originally instrumental in forging an alliance between al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban. This was all part of a strategy to use radical Islamism as an instrument of foreign policy in promoting Pakistan’s regional influence over India and Iran.
If Australia and its Western allies want to fight terrorism emanating from Afghanistan, it is imperative for them to focus more on Pakistan militarily than on Afghanistan. What Afghans need most is structural political reforms, institution building, a relevant ideology of national unity and reconstruction to provide them employment and improved living conditions, and therefore human security.
It would be the best way to contain the Taliban’s resistance.
http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/society-and-culture/the-west-must-tackle-pakistan-to-fight-taliban-20100713-109ib.html

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